Sailer has often noted how the Left’s “Coalition of the Fringes” increasingly relies on KKKrazy Glue to keep itself together. With respect to Trump tapping into a long-suppressed dynamic of white identity (actualized according to the modern rules of ‘multiculturalism’), NYT elites are starting to notice something happening, so it’s “Quick, it’s to novelistic New Journalism tropes we must go!”
While the #1 article at NYT.com is currently “Obama Tells Mourning Dallas, ‘We Are Not as Divided as We Seem’”, the real article of the day is the extended must-read piece “For Whites Sensing Decline, Donald Trump Unleashes Words of Resistance”, which discusses the ‘race realists’ and the ‘Alt Right’, and interviews Richard Spencer, Pat Buchanan, Jared Taylor, and Milo Yiannopoulos.
The piece starts off with the usual literary aspirations of the reporter, a trope I’ve noticed whenever the topic is particularly emotionally-charged for a liberal reporter:
The chant erupts in a college auditorium in Washington, as admirers of a conservative internet personality shout down a black protester. It echoes around the gym of a central Iowa high school, as white students taunt the Hispanic fans and players of a rival team. It is hollered by a lone motorcyclist, as he tears out of a Kansas gas station after an argument with a Hispanic man and his Muslim friend.
So… regarding the sentence: “It is hollered by a lone motorcyclist, as he tears out of a Kansas gas station after an argument with a Hispanic man and his Muslim friend.”… Did this actually happen? Did the reporter see this? Was it an anecdote he was told? Is it even possible there is a Hispanic and a Muslim as friends…. in Kansas?
In countless collisions of color and creed, Donald J. Trump’s name evokes an easily understood message of racial hostility. Defying modern conventions of political civility and language, Mr. Trump has breached the boundaries that have long constrained Americans’ public discussion of race.
His rallies vibrate with grievances that might otherwise be expressed in private: about “political correctness,” about the ranch house down the street overcrowded with day laborers, and about who is really to blame for the death of a black teenager in Ferguson, Mo. In a country where the wealthiest and most influential citizens are still mostly white, Mr. Trump is voicing the bewilderment and anger of whites who do not feel at all powerful or privileged.
But in doing so, Mr. Trump has also opened the door to assertions of white identity and resentment in a way not seen so broadly in American culture in over half a century, according to those who track patterns of racial tension and antagonism in American life.
Says one working class woman quoted in the piece: “Everyone’s sticking together in their groups,” she said, “so white people have to, too.”
The piece is full of awkard and stilted attempts at association, such as this gem:
And Mr. Trump’s rise is shifting the country’s racial discourse just as the millennial generation comes fully of age, more and more distant from the horrors of the Holocaust, or the government-sanctioned racism of Jim Crow.
Wow, that was real subtle.
And this one:
In June 2015, two weeks after Mr. Trump entered the presidential race, he received an endorsement that would end most campaigns: The Daily Stormer embraced his candidacy.
This “would end most campaigns”? In what universe? Did the New Black Panther Party’s endorsement of Obama “end his campaign”? Was there even a call for it to end his campaign?
Of course not. The reporter’s intent here is to interwine the two phenomena, to make them appear inextricable.
We also have a lot of “But”s, that favorite word by NYT reporters when discussing anything conservative:
Many in this new generation of nationalists shun the trappings of old-fashioned white supremacy, appropriating the language of multiculturalism to recast themselves as white analogues to La Raza and other civil rights organizations. They call themselves “race realists” or “identitarians” — conservatives for whom racial heritage is more important than ideology.
But across this spectrum, in Mr. Trump’s descriptions of immigrants as vectors of disease, violent crime and social decay, they heard their own dialect…
Mr. Trump dismisses those who accuse him of embracing or enabling racism. “I’m the least racist person,” he declared in December in an interview with CNN.
But on the flatlands of social media, the border between Mr. Trump and white supremacists easily blurs.
The most encouraging section of the piece is how the Alt Right is picking up steam amongst the young whippersnappers:
Mr. Trump’s influence is playing out perhaps most vividly on college campuses, an otherwise deeply liberal redoubt where young people grapple openly and frenetically with their own race and identity.
For a generation weaned on a diet of civic multiculturalism, supporting Mr. Trump breaks the ultimate taboo. Students writing Mr. Trump’s name and slogans in chalk have been accused of hate crimes and spurred calls for censorship. And on campuses frozen by unyielding political correctness and expanding definitions of impermissible speech, some welcome the provocation that Mr. Trump provides.
Three days after a gunman claiming allegiance to the Islamic State killed 49 people in a gay club in Orlando, Fla., a crowd of college students gathered two blocks from the site of the massacre. They wore Trump hats or T-shirts and chanted, “Build that wall.” They cracked jokes about trigger warnings or whether the sidewalk counted as a safe space.
A few minutes later, a black S.U.V. pulled up, delivering Milo Yiannopoulos, a 30-something gay conservative raised in London and now a minor celebrity among the alt-right.
The piece wouldn’t be complete, however, without bookending its pathetic literary pretensions, in this case with another ‘subtle observation’ infused with liberal pieties, ad hominems, and forced symbolism:
Another student, Simon Dickerman, said he was voting for Mr. Trump. He volunteered that he frequently visited 4chan, an online message board where users compete with one another to post ever more provocative content, from Nazi shorthand to racist cartoons.
Mr. Dickerman said he understood why such images bothered some older people, though they carried little such charge to him and his friends.
“Of course they don’t actually want Jews to die,” Mr. Dickerman said. “They want to shock.” His peers, he added, “are kids who don’t really know about the Holocaust.”
“And they don’t care about history,” he said. “And some of them think it’s funny.”
Translation: young Trump supporters think the Holocaust is funny.