Why Rational People Buy Into Conspiracy Theories

In “Why Rational People Buy Into Conspiracy Theories“, Maggie Koerth-Baker gives a quick glimpse of some current research on the subject, with a slightly liberal tinge. (The propensity for believing in conspiracy theories is a lonstanding sociological fascination of mine, something I would have focused on, had I ever gone for that futile PhD in sociology of religion.)

Of the Internet’s “tendency toward tribalism”, she writes:

[O]ur access to information has vastly improved, which you would think would have helped minimize such wild speculation. But according to recent scientific research on the matter, it most likely only serves to make theories more convincing to the public. What’s even more surprising is that this sort of theorizing isn’t limited to those on the margins. Perfectly sane minds possess an incredible capacity for developing narratives, and even some of the wildest conspiracy theories can be grounded in rational thinking, which makes them that much more pernicious. Consider this: 63 percent of registered American voters believe in at least one political conspiracy theory, according to a recent poll conducted by Fairleigh Dickinson University.

While psychologists can’t know exactly what goes on inside our heads, they have, through surveys and laboratory studies, come up with a set of traits that correlate well with conspiracy belief. In 2010, Swami and a co-author summarized this research in The Psychologist, a scientific journal. They found, perhaps surprisingly, that believers are more likely to be cynical about the world in general and politics in particular. Conspiracy theories also seem to be more compelling to those with low self-worth, especially with regard to their sense of agency in the world at large. Conspiracy theories appear to be a way of reacting to uncertainty and powerlessness.

Economic recessions, terrorist attacks and natural disasters are massive, looming threats, but we have little power over when they occur or how or what happens afterward. In these moments of powerlessness and uncertainty, a part of the brain called the amygdala kicks into action. Paul Whalen, a scientist at Dartmouth College who studies the amygdala, says it doesn’t exactly do anything on its own. Instead, the amygdala jump-starts the rest of the brain into analytical overdrive — prompting repeated reassessments of information in an attempt to create a coherent and understandable narrative, to understand what just happened, what threats still exist and what should be done now. This may be a useful way to understand how, writ large, the brain’s capacity for generating new narratives after shocking events can contribute to so much paranoia in this country.

In addition to mentioning the familiar framing of conspiracy theorizing in terms of confirmation bias, Koerth-Baker glosses over one researcher’s very interesting, constitutive findings: “Surprisingly, Swami’s work has also turned up a correlation between conspiracy theorizing and strong support of democratic principles.”

Do, pray tell!

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