NYT: White Supremacists Are Increasingly Using Public Banners

White Supremacists Are Increasingly Using Public Banners” screams the NYT headline for a piece written by Maggie Astor. It’s basically the NYT’s excuse to publicize a new ADL ‘report’ on the subject.

White supremacists are increasingly hanging banners in public places, such as from highway overpasses and rooftops, to promote their views, according to a report released on Thursday by the Anti-Defamation League.

“While white supremacists have been using banners for some time, the number of banners deployed in the past 10 months marks an unprecedented trend,” the report said. The tactic, it added, is significant because it “can garner widespread attention with very little actual effort involved.”

From May 20, 2017, through this Monday, the A.D.L.’s Center on Extremism found, there were 72 such episodes.

72 episodes! 72! In a country of only 300 million people. Oh, the humanity.

According to the ADL, ‘white supremacist’ messages include messages such as “America first: End immigration” and “‘Diversity’ is a code word for white genocide.” The article is accompanied by two pics, one of which is of a sign saying “White Lives Matter.” This is what qualifies as ‘White Supremacy’.

The larger point of the ADL hit piece, and the NYT’s lackey work, is IMO to warn the NYT’s typical ‘globalist’ readers of the growing danger of Identity Evropa, who the article notes are responsible for 40% of the banners. So, at least IE gets some free press.

Identity Evropa describes itself as “a fraternal organization for people of European heritage located in the United States that participates in community building and civic engagement,” but the A.D.L. and the Southern Poverty Law Center describe it as a white nationalist group. The A.D.L. wrote in its report that the phrases on Identity Evropa’s banners — “Import the third world, become the third world,” for example, and “You will not replace us” — were “a sanitized version of the group’s true aim, the preservation of ‘white American identity’ and the promulgation of the idea that America was founded by white people for white people, and was not intended to be a multiracial or multicultural society.”

A NYT story on the rising threat of ‘white supremacy’ that cites both the ADL and the $PLC. How original.

What is hilarious is how the entire report (to address a whopping 72 incidents!) is significantly undermined in its “societal problem” angle by the fact that one guy accounts for a great many of the incidents:

Two other neo-Nazi groups, Vanguard America and Atomwaffen, hung smaller numbers of banners. Jimmy Marr, an Oregonian who once drove a truck emblazoned with swastikas, was behind many of the anti-Semitic banners the A.D.L. documented.

More banners were hung in Oregon than in any other state, most likely because of Mr. Marr, the report said.

Whoops! No worries, though, the headline is all that people will remember in a week’s time. When your paranoia-fueled organization (e.g., ADL, SPLC) has hundreds of millions of shekels gathered from Jewish donors who are themselves convinced that Hitler or the KKK is behind every tree, you can afford to churn out crap reports like this.

Finally, I loved this conclusion:

Extremist groups have become more active in the past two years, and have expressed a sense of invigoration since President Trump’s electionHate groups and hate crimes have become more common, and in a report released last month, the A.D.L. found that anti-Semitic episodes had increased 57 percent in 2017 from the year before.

If there is one incident of Hate Crime X in 2016, and then two in 2017, that’s a 100% increase! Quick, call our contacts at the NYT! Oy vey!

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The Deniers

Esteemed philosopher Galen Strawson has a very good piece on the poverty of materialism as an explanation for consciousness (“The Consciousness Deniers”). He traces the lineage from early behaviorism to Dennett-style functionalism, leading to the absurdity that is reductive materialism:

It’s true that we can’t understand how experience can be wholly a matter of neural goings-on, when we start out from the way the brain appears to physics or neurophysiology. Crucially, though, there’s no reason to give the way the brain appears to physics or neurophysiology priority over the way it appears to the person having the experience. Rather the reverse, as Russell pointed out as early as 1927: he annoyed many, and incurred some ridicule, when he proposed that it was only the having of conscious experience that gives us any insight into the intrinsic nature of the stuff of the brain. His point was simple: first, we know something fundamental about the essential nature of conscious experience just in having it; and second, conscious experience is literally part of the physical stuff of the brain, if materialism is true…

But then—in the middle of the twentieth century—something extraordinary happens. Members of a small but influential group of analytic philosophers come to think that true naturalistic materialism rules out realism about consciousness. They duly conclude that consciousness doesn’t exist. They reach this conclusion in spite of the fact that conscious experience is a wholly natural phenomenon, whose existence is more certain than any other natural phenomenon, and with which we’re directly acquainted, at least in certain fundamental respects. These philosophers thus endorse the Denial.

The problem is not that they take naturalism to entail materialism—they’re right to do so. The problem is that they endorse the claim that conscious experience can’t possibly be wholly physical. They think they know this, although genuine naturalism doesn’t warrant it in any way. So they, like the behaviorists, claim that consciousness doesn’t exist, although many of them conceal this by using the word “consciousness” in a way that omits the central feature of consciousness—the qualia, the “heady luxuriance.”

The situation grows stranger when one reflects that almost all their materialist forebears, stretching back over 2,000 years to Leucippus and Democritus, completely reject the view that experience can’t be physical, and hold instead (as all serious materialists must) that experience is wholly physical. Russell made the key observation in 1927: “We do not know enough of the intrinsic character of events outside us to say whether it does or does not differ from that of ‘mental’ events”—whose nature we do know. He never wavered from this point. In 1948, he noted that physics simply can’t tell us “whether the physical world is, or is not, different in intrinsic character from the world of mind.” In 1956, he remarked that “we know nothing about the intrinsic quality of physical events except when these are mental events that we directly experience.” But the Deniers weren’t listening, and they still aren’t.

Russell’s view (from his book The Study of Matter) strengthens a more phenomenological approach to understanding consciousness and possibly (qua Heidegger) can show us a path away from the trappings of scientism and towards a more authentic Being.

Of the fetishized philosophy of materialism’s underlying assumptions, Strawson writes:

One of the strangest things about the spread of the naturalism-based Denial in the second half of the twentieth century is that it involved overlooking a point about physics that was once a commonplace, and which I call “the silence of physics.” Physics is magnificent: many of its claims are either straightforwardly true or very good approximations to truth. But all of its claims about the physical are expressed by statements of number or equations. They’re truths about quantities and relational structures instantiated in concrete reality; and these truths tell us nothing at all about the ultimate nature of the stuff of reality, the stuff that has the structure that physics analyzes. Here is Russell again (in 1948): “the physical world is only known as regards certain abstract features of its space-time structure… we know nothing about the events that make matter, except their space-time structure.”

I’ve been taking a strong interest of late in various critiques of rationalism (e.g., Hobbes, Burke, Oakeshott, MacIntyre), that is, critiques of the idea of abstraction as the purest form of Truth and only valid way to get to Truth, as it is defined. This approach, with its origins in the physical sciences, ignores the realm of Practical Reason and its existentialist role (see Aristotle) and has, since the Enlightenment, crept into the social sciences (the Science of Man) and political philosophy. This has led to many ongoing attempts toward systematized political programs (whether Marxism, Neoliberal, or Libertarian) which, I increasingly believe, are variations of the same theme: utopianism. In each case, the Truth sought after (‘communism’, ‘progress’, ‘freedom’) is an idealized social state, itself a telos borne of abstract reasoning, and is ultimately a folly blind to the overdetermined realities of human existence.

This does not mean that we are atomized individuals; far from it. Out of practical necessity, we form groups, make tribal alliances, and negotiate the world. We do this, however, under the auspices of Practical Reason. It is when we then attempt to systematize these Practical actions vis-à-vis Abstract Reasoning that the trouble begins. Philosophical systems are constructed and proposed, and then the purity spiraling begins.

Increasingly, I have been wondering “How is it that Man continuously pursues such utopian dreams?” Strawson writes:

The explanation is as ancient as it is simple. As Cicero says, there is “no statement so absurd that no philosopher will make it.” Descartes agrees, in 1637: “Nothing can be imagined which is too strange or incredible to have been said by some philosopher.” Thomas Reid concurs in 1785: “There is nothing so absurd which some philosophers have not maintained.” Louise Antony puts it like this in 2007: “There is… no banality so banal that no philosopher will deny it.”

Descartes adds that when it comes to speculative matters, “the scholar… will take… the more pride [in his views] the further they are from common sense… since he will have had to use so much more skill and ingenuity in trying to render them plausible.” Or as C.D. Broad says, some 300 years later: some ideas are “so preposterously silly that only very learned men could have thought of them… by a ‘silly’ theory I mean one which may be held at the time when one is talking or writing professionally, but which only an inmate of a lunatic asylum would think of carrying into daily life.”

Such are the blind alleyways that ‘philosophy’ can take even the best of minds.

To this list of utopianisms, are we to add those who dream of pure, harmonious, authoritarian ethnostates run by a benevolent class of elites? Is the paternalism required always fated to ultimately reach Great Terror proportions? Are such political beliefs a characteristic of what we might call the Denier of Human Imperfectability? In short, can something straight really be built from this crooked timber of humanity?

If not, what is the best political program we ought to be pursuing?

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I Am Enough

Just published is the children’s book I Am Enough by Grace Byers and‎ Keturah A. Bobo:

I Am Enough is the picture book everyone needs.

This is a gorgeous, lyrical ode to loving who you are, respecting others, and being kind to one another—from Empire actor and activist Grace Byers and talented newcomer artist Keturah A. Bobo.

This is the perfect gift for mothers and daughters, baby showers, and graduation.

We are all here for a purpose. We are more than enough. We just need to believe it.

The title and front image of the book had me thinking of a ‘reply’ book, which I’d title Yes You Are, For This Neighborhood. 

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TAC v. Commentary

In boomer, CivNat journals like TAC, things like this are routine. First, in Commentary, Noah Rothman writes a derisive piece against ‘nationalists’, expressing his latent fear that ‘blood and soil’ nationalism is a real threat in both Europe and the U.S. In other words, it is a prototypical piece displaying Jewish angst and paranoia about white ethnonationalisms, as well as globalist neoconservatism, a perspective that is dominated by Jews. (I have little doubt that Rothman has a quite different take on Israel as an ethnonationalist state.)

Then, in TAC, Robert Merry writes a piece highly critical of Rothman, but nowhere is the word “Jewish” used. The closet we get is the use of the term ‘neoconservative’ in the byline, a term I fully expect SPLC will soon designate as an anti-Semitic dog whistle, if they haven’t already done so:

One writer for the neoconservative magazine says globalism’s losers are outnumbered, and now it’s time to “overwhelm” them.

As for Rothman’s piece, he talks of ‘hard power calculations’ to defeat and destroy the sorts of nationalist sentiments that lead to tariffs, and (more importantly) the sense of nationalism that is informed by ethnic identity. Rothman then throws in this rather creepy passage:

If populist nationalism is to be contained, it cannot be subsumed into greater liberalism and its malcontents mollified by social welfare programs. The very idea of populist nationalism will have to be overwhelmed. As soon as advocates of unfettered freedom and commerce come to that conclusion, that necessary work can begin.

What is this mysterious ‘necessary work’?

To which Merry responds appropriately:

The audacity here is breathtaking. This is the kind of talk that leaves one wondering whether the looming civic battle over the definition of America—the globalist vision versus the nationalist one—can be adjudicated through peaceful democratic means. Rothman’s “unfinished work” emanates from a perception that populist nationalism cannot be accommodated; it will have to be eradicated. And those poor folk who have been disadvantaged by the globalist onslaught, as Rothman acknowledges they have been, will just have to be marginalized until they no longer have a voice in civic affairs. This may be unfortunate, but it’s necessitated by the globalist vision of welcoming to America ever more foreigners to displace those benighted populists whose civic influence will have to be curtailed.

Still no use of the word “Jewish”.

Unbeknownst to Rothman, however, populism is part and parcel of any democratic regime. It remains largely quiescent when times are good and civic waters are calm. It raises its head in times of turbulence or difficulty, when major economic dislocations hit large segments of the populace and lay them low. It emerges when significant numbers of citizens see the elites remaking their society without so much as a by-your-leave from the people and while displaying unconcealed contempt.

Still no use of the word “Jewish”.

Rothman doesn’t want to accept that there is a legitimate debate about all this in America today. Instead he conjures up the specter of a mortal threat to the republic from people who are every bit as much a part of the American tradition as he is.

Still no use of the word “Jewish”.

Indeed, in projecting his abstractionist view of America, Rothman distorts the picture. He suggests that the open-borders sensibility he reveres has been an integral part of the American experience from the beginning. This is false. Throughout its history, the United States has calibrated immigration policies based on the realities of the time. The last time America reached a proportion of foreign-born residents close to the current percentage, a political reaction set in and major curtailments were instituted. As recently as the 1970s, that number was half what it is today.

Still no use of the word “Jewish”.

And so the writers at TAC continue to ignore the 800 lb gorilla in the room.

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Double Murderer Paroled

How the f*ck is this allowed to happen? (Note: Officer Piagentini was white, and Officer Jones was black.):

A cold-blooded killer who gunned down two New York City police officers nearly half a century ago is set to walk free after he was granted parole.

Herman Bell, a former Black Revolutionary Army thug who lured Officers Joseph Piagentini and Waverly Jones to a housing project in 1971, was granted clemency recently – despite past parole board rejections of his earlier bids that argued freeing Bell “would depreciate the severity of this crime,” the New York Post reported Wednesday.

The Black Revolutionary Army was a violent offshoot of the Black Panthers that sanctioned symbolic killings of police officers regardless of their race in New York and California.

Bell, along with Anthony Bottom and another accomplice who died in prison in 2000, called themselves the “New York 3.”

In 1971, the trio lured Piagentini, 22, and Jones, 33, to a Harlem housing project with a fake 911 call. As the unsuspecting cops approached, the three men opened fire.

Jones died instantly while Piagentini – who had been shot more than a dozen times – begged for his life, the Associated Press reported. Bell finished him off with the cop’s own gun.

I’m guessing Bell will now become a tenured professor or a celebrated, high-profile, BLM activist, and may even get a slot on the Stormy Daniels Network… err, I mean CNN.

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The Root Cause of Shia’s Savannah Meltdown

From a long Esquire profile of Shia LaBeouf:

We’ve walked Descanso’s manicured grounds, through sun-sprinkled oak groves and rows of lilac shrubs. We sit down on a weathered wood bench beneath a crab-apple tree. LaBeouf is ready to talk about what happened in Savannah.

It started at 4:00 a.m. on a Saturday. A drunk LaBeouf asked to bum a smoke from two pedestrians, one of whom was a police officer. He was denied. He ignored the officer’s warnings to calm down, and was handcuffed and brought to the station. TMZ obtained Savannah police footage. Lots of it: Shia being cuffed, in the back of the police car, getting processed, each clip ickier and more damning than the last. In one, he brags about his “millionaire lawyers.” In another, he belittles a black officer for being “stuck in a police force that doesn’t give a f*ck ’bout you. So you want to arrest, what, white people who give a f*ck?” He suggests that a white officer’s wife watches porn involving “licking a black dick,” continuing with “Don’t you feel like, ‘F*ck, man, I ain’t got all the goods?’” One can lose track of the number of times he calls various officers “bitch” and “whore.”

When I ask LaBeouf about that night, his answer comes in fits and starts. “What went on in Georgia was mortifying. White privilege and desperation and disaster… It came from a place of self-centered delusion… It was me trying to absolve myself of guilt for getting arrested.” And finally, “I f*cked up.”

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Cult TV

Wow, it appears the ‘Church’ of Scientology has its own TV channel premiering in the next 24 hours.

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Black Panther Says Tony Stark’s Days Are Numbered

Joe Robert Cole, co-writer of the Black Panther film, spoke at SXSW recently. Cole believes, apparently due to the success of Black Panther the Novelty, that audiences want more woke films, and that Tony Stark’s days are numbered:

Responding to a question on whether superheroes’ values reflect or shape the culture, Cole said: “Think about where we are now, with this very vapid, unintelligent president and our world is crackling on the edges because of that. Think back to Tony Stark, him being douchey and being okay. If that character, Stark, was created in a movie today, I wonder if the response would be like, ‘Oh, it’s cool that he’s douchey and disrespectful to women … That’s fine.’ I think we’re at a different place. I think it’s a better place.”

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Michael Brendan Dougherty: “Confiscating the Nation”

Writing in NR (of all places), Michael Brendan Dougherty has a rather bold piece titled “Confiscating the Nation”. The opening salvo:

If post-nationalists succeed in deconstructing national loyalties, they will find that loyalties based on blood or creed come roaring back.

Wow. I wasn’t expecting that in NR.

Responding to the recent, inane, NYT video-journalism (lol) piece about how “National identity is made up”, Dougherty writes:

After a brief introduction, the New York Times narrator comes to his point. “If you think about it, nationality is weird. The idea that you identify with millions of strangers just based on borders. That’s because national identity is made up” (emphasis mine).

He goes on to explain: “National identity is the myth that built the modern world, but it also primes us for dictatorship, racism, genocide.” Those last three words are accompanied by pictures of North Korea, the tiki-torch rally at Charlottesville, and a rally in Nazi Germany. The narrator continues: “Today we’re fighting over whether to keep that kind of national identity. To understand why, you have to know how new this idea is.”…

Our narrator points to France and says that even as late as the French Revolution, nearly half the people in French territory didn’t speak French. You have Breton, and Occitan, and a few others. “Just a patchwork that didn’t line up with borders,” he says, “We know from modern genetics that ethnicity didn’t line up with borders either.” You may have noticed that he’s leaning heavily on borders.

Dougherty defends the concept of ‘nationalism’, albeit a deracinated nationalism. He largely skips over, or minimizes, the critical (perhaps central) role that ethnicity plays in binding the sense of nationalism in a given time and place.

Still, that something like this is appearing in the pages of the preeminent Cuckservative magazine is, I suppose, a good thing:

Nationalism as a political movement was also what made democracy possible; it helped to overthrow ancient monarchies that routinely bequeathed nations with foreign rulers who just happened to inherit the chair. Further, national identity helped to create the social trust necessary to institute massive social-welfare systems. We might also note that while the Nazis made use of national loyalty, so too did the Poles, the French, the British, and the Americans who resisted and defeated the Nazi regime. And they could not have defeated the Nazis without that loyalty…

What the authors of “The Interpreter” have done is discovered that the concept of national identity cannot be reduced down to simple mathematical relationships. Because national identity assumes into itself facts that derive from social interaction and history, the explainer concludes that it is a myth. It isn’t real. It’s just made up. Of course, lots of things that you can study have these properties: languages are “made up” in this way. They change over time. Their uses vary in history and social context. English shows evidence of assimilating Latin, French, and Greek vocabulary over its life. It is conditioned by history. But it would be stupid to say that English is somehow unreal. N’est-ce pas?

The “Interpreter” authors have lots of other tricks. They completely elide the difference between national identity and modern nationalism as a political movement, giving both the late birthdate of the latter. Nationality is an ancient concept, going back to antiquity. It is a major theme throughout the Biblical narrative.

The jargon or the slick graphics have to be deployed, because if you actually reduced their explainer down to the core elements, it would be laughed out of the room. “Ladies and Gentlemen, I know you think England is a real thing. And Englishness, too. But I’m here to inform you that people in Cornwall were speaking Cornish well into the reign of Queen Victoria! Your so-called England is a hoax!”

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Another Wrinkle

Of A Wrinkle In Time, even liberal Richard Brody has some reservations:

Whereas L’Engle’s book is replete with explicit Christian citations, the movie offers no overt religious references, not even any overt spirituality (other than a passing reference to faith “in who you are”).

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