The Atlantic: “The Rise of Anti-Liberalism”

In The Atlantic, the essay “The Rise of Anti-Liberalism” starts off promising, but quickly goes off the rails. This is likely due to the writer’s name being Shadi Hamid.

Submission is still very clearly a dystopian novel—an increasingly popular genre these days—but, more than that, it is a meditation on the aimlessness of late-stage Western liberalism, where there is nothing much to be believe in, and nothing much to fight for, except the never-ending expansion of personal freedom. The controversy aside, Submission is strangely intriguing. Houellebecq is among a growing number of Western intellectuals flirting with anti-liberalism: Perhaps liberalism is not the unmitigated good most of us are raised to believe it is.

So far, so good. But then the last sentence of the above paragraph reads:

In an odd way, though, liberalism’s critics end up saying more about the resilience of liberalism than its demise.

Huh?

Then we get this most strange passage:

Wherever I go and wherever I’ve lived, there are others, from all over the world, who I can easily connect with—“anywheres” of the center-left and center-right who share a similar disposition. They don’t really have a local community or “home” they feel particularly strongly about. They tend to have graduate degrees; be interested in politics; speak various languages; avoid sports-related conversations; and be vaguely privileged financially (it’s never entirely clear how privileged). Perhaps most importantly, they are suspicious of happy people but especially earnest people. No one’s particularly religious, but if they are, they’re probably members of a minority group, usually Muslims or Jews, which makes it okay. No one’s perfect, of course, but such are the people of my “tribe.”

The sheer diversity can be overwhelming—white Christian males can be hard to find—but the diversity, paradoxically, reinforces a kind of cultural homogeneity.

Where to begin. Muslims and Jews depicted as not tribes themselves, but part of an atomized, anomic, cultureless, and placeless “tribe”? That is laughable.

Furthermore, in a country founded by white Christian males, white Christian males are nonetheless “hard to find” in the author’s no doubt affluent, blue-state, metro, ‘diverse’, social milieu. Hamid conflates his elite enclave, devoid of white conservatives, as ‘all of America’.

What is rather astonishing is how badly Hamid misreads Houellebecq’s novel Submission.

The emphasis on polygamy in Houellebecq’s depiction of Islam is often gratuitous. But there is also a sense of envy, that Islam retains a vitality, conviction, and self-assuredness that Western liberalism and Western Christianity lost long ago. (In his real life, Houellebecq, who once called Islam “the stupidest religion,” has since read the Quran and apparently developed an appreciation for Islam, contributing to his own epiphany of sorts. “When, in the light of what I know,” Houellebecq says, “I reexamine the question whether there is a creator, a cosmic order, that kind of thing, I realize that I don’t actually have an answer.”)

A “sense of envy”? In the novel, the protagonist François’ does not envy Islam as much as he sees its eventual ascent to dominance as inexorable, due to the relative weakness of today’s Christianity as a source of identity. With his academic career at risk, François eventually makes a calculated “if you can’t beat ‘em, join ‘em” decision at the novel’s climax.

Legally based religious systems—which only Islam among the largest religions potentially offers—quite consciously seek to restrict choice in the name of virtue and salvation. It is no mistake that Houellebecq initially intended his book to be about a conversion to Christianity, but it’s telling that François—to some extent a stand-in for Houellebecq’s own fantasies—quickly grows bored after spending two days in a Benedectine abbey.

In the novel, François is not “bored” at the abbey, but rather simply cannot generate the sort of epiphany his late-convert hero Joris-Karl Huysmans was able to muster. The moral of François’ leaving the abbey is not one of “boredom” but of the impossibility of today’s Liberated Rational Man (surrounded by the cultural and political institutions that Reason has brought) throwing overboard everything he’s been taught and lives among, and through some Kierkegaardian leap of faith instantly becoming a Believer.

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Saving Private Ryan & the Jewish Experience

Spielberg’s War: Saving Private Ryan & the Jewish Experience” is an excellent essay and a great companion to Rob Ager’s always-insightful film analyses.

“By having the most gruesome and realistic depictions of war at the beginning, Spielberg neatly turns the classic anti-war formula on its head. In most anti-war films, war is set up as good, only to be revealed as bad. In Saving Private Ryan the opposite happens: war is set up as bad, only for us to be gradually persuaded that it is good…. Instead, the Omaha Beach scene (which, if placed at the end of the film, would have caused us to be permanently repulsed at the brutality of mechanized warfare) simply serves to set up a film where war itself is ‘redeemed’.”

This is the best observation of the essay. This is the “lens” Spielberg establishes through which we are to make sense of the rest of the film’s events.

“Steamboat Willie becomes a metaphor for the innate villainy of the German – who is apparently destined by his very nature to repay this act of mercy by stabbing his captor in the back as soon as he turns away. The German is thus stripped of one of the essential elements of humanity: moral reciprocity.”

The ways in which the film dehumanizes the German soldier are many. Upham’s arc, for instance, serves as a rationalization for allied war crimes.

“The only way to justify this rate of exchange mathematically is to assume that Ryan’s life is simply worth more. But what World War II objective of negligible strategic value could Spielberg wish us think was worth sacrificing so many men over, if only so they could assuage their own guilt? The parallels with Spielberg’s own co-ethnics are too tempting to ignore. Ryan thus becomes an analogy for the Jewish people themselves, and the mission to save him simply a microcosm of the cause that makes the entire war moral in the first place – the task of ‘saving’ the Jewish race and destroying their historic enemy… The film thus essentially becomes a Jewish religious narrative. What other message can we take away than that the apparent purpose of gentile lives is to be sacrificed en masse to save the Chosen People?”

This is an interesting and plausible thesis, but I’m not sure I entirely buy it. It’s too long to go into here, but it pivots on competing theories about why & how the U.S. entered WW2 and under what pretenses. WW2 was a massively overdetermined historical event.

“But why then, if this film is about the Jewish experience, is it told from a gentile perspective, and not from a Jewish one? This method of storytelling is nothing new for Spielberg. It is no coincidence that both of his definitive depictions of the Holocaust and slavery (Schindler’s List and Amistad) are told not from the perspective of their victims, but of high-status gentiles intimately connected with their perpetration.”

This additional context for making sense of Spielberg’s narrative choice in Saving Private Ryan no doubt strengthens the more general theses of this essay.

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Occupying Disability: Critical Approaches to Community, Justice, and Decolonizing Disability

At this point in time, PoMo academia is beyond parody. Occupying Disability: Critical Approaches to Community, Justice, and Decolonizing Disability is a book edited by Pamela Block, Nick Pollard, Devwa Kasnitz, and Akemi Nishida.

This book explores the concept of “occupation” in disability well beyond traditional clinical formulations of disability: it considers disability not in terms of pathology or impairment, but as a range of unique social identities and experiences that are shaped by visible or invisible diagnoses/impairments, socio-cultural perceptions and environmental barriers and offers innovative ideas on how to apply theoretical training to real world contexts.

Inspired by disability justice and Disability Occupy Wall Street / Decolonize Disability movements in the US and related movements abroad, this book builds on politically engaged critical approaches to disability that intersect occupational therapy, disability studies and anthropology. Occupying Disability will provide a discursive space where the concepts of disability, culture and occupation meet critical theory, activism and the creative arts.

The concept of occupation is intentionally a moving target in this book. Some chapters discuss occupying spaces as a form of protest or alternatively, protesting against territorial occupations. Others present occupations as framed or problematized within the fields of occupational therapy and occupational science and anthropology as engagement in meaningful activities.

The contributing authors come from a variety of professional, academic and activist backgrounds to include perspectives from theory, practice and experiences of disability. Emergent themes include: all the permutations of the concept of “occupy,” disability justice/decolonization, marginalization and minoritization, technology, struggle, creativity and change.

This book will engage clinicians, social scientists, activists and artists in dialogues about disability as a theoretical construct and lived experience.

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Beside Bowie: The Mick Ronson Story (2017)

I am greatly looking forward to this documentary on the greatly underrated guitarist and arranger Mick Ronson. The fact that David Bowie was very involved in the making of this documentary possibly attests to Bowie’s sense of complicity (however unintentional) in Ronson’s financial struggles. From FNC:

A British filmmaker is hoping a new documentary on the life of late guitarist Mick Ronson will shed light on the seemingly forgotten artist who helped David Bowie achieve superstardom. Ronson died of liver cancer at age 46 in 1993.

Bowie, who would later succumb to the same illness in 2016 at age 69, provided voice-over commentary on the life of his beloved collaborator and sidekick before his passing, which can be heard in Jon Brewer’s film “Beside Bowie.”…

Ronson, a classically trained pianist who studied violin as a child, helped transform the songs Bowie wrote on acoustic guitar into theatrical anthems through arrangements and production.

With his first string arrangement, Ronson brought 1971’s “Life on Mars” to life. His contributions as an arranger can also be heard in “Hunky Dory,” “The Rise and Fall of Ziggy Stardust and the Spiders From Mars,” as well as “Aladdin Sane.”

However, as the band was selling out arena shows and rapidly achieving fame, Ronson’s bank account barely grew. Brewer pointed out Ronson didn’t get songwriting or arranging credits on any of Bowie’s early albums.

“Mick was being advised not to worry about it and David was being advised not to worry about it,” Brewer explained. “As far as Mick Ronson was concerned, it was a partnership. Mick would never lift a finger of complaint or [bring an] accusation toward David… [And] David didn’t know how to deal with it because it got worse… David greatly respected Mick Ronson and felt he was the unsung hero.”

Bowie would later shock fans when he abruptly retired his performing alter ego in 1973 at a sold-out concert in London’s Hammersmith Odeon Theatre. Brewer believed Bowie’s frustration in knowing Ronson wasn’t getting rightfully credited for their success, along with his eagerness to explore a different musical direction, contributed to the end of Stardust.

“David didn’t know how to handle the problem that had been created by the industry,” said Brewer. “Mick Ronson co-wrote most of those songs, but as a writer, his managers and publishers told him, ‘Arrangers don’t get publishing credit.’ And David went along with it.

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Motorhead – In the Name of Tragedy (2004)

A thrash-influenced gem from late period Motorhead.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VHWsjLRfeHI

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Child Worship

It is truly remarkable how the bastions of progressivism are treating these FL high school kids like supreme arbiters of public policy and constitutional interpretation (and only because they lean liberal rather than conservative.)

It is quite normal for kids of this age to be what we’d call ‘liberal’, this position largely borne of them being at an emotionally-charged age, and having very limited life experience, as well as being (through no fault of their own) generally naive about the ways of the world.

What is most curious, however, is how their helicopter parents, and MSM enablers, are vicariously living their progressive activist yearnings through their children. They are, in effect, leveraging the collective emotions associated with a child’s pain towards their pre-existing domestic agenda. Gun laws must change not through rational argumentation and debate, but because… “the children say so.”

There is something quite perverse about this whole thing. It’s like a cult or some ancient religion that worships a subset of children, imagining them to possess divinely ordained and pure wisdom from the Heavens.

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Lind on “The New Separatism”

William Lind discusses “The New Separatism” sweeping across Europe and that, in the U.S., translated into Trump’s victory:

The driving force behind separatism is the same as that which has created Fourth Generation war, war waged by non-state entities. That force is a growing crisis of legitimacy of the state. While its intensity varies greatly from place to place, the state’s crisis of legitimacy is now nearly universal. More and more citizens of states are transferring their primary loyalty away from the state to something else. In the case of separatist movements, it is to regions, often regions that once were states. In Fourth Generation war, new primary loyalties come in a wide variety of flavors, including religions, race and ethnic groups, gangs, and “causes” such as “animal rights.”

Lind identifies three proximate causes:

  1. States controlled by elites are no longer effectively performing the state’s primary function, the reason it first arose: establishing and maintaining order, safety of persons and property.
  2. A second cause is that the global elites long ago transferred their primary loyalty away from their states, towards internationalist institutions and/or globalist ‘free trade’.
  3. The third cause is the resurgence of ‘ideology’ in the form of political correctness.

Of this third causal factor, Lind writes:

In the West, another powerful force is at work to undermine the state—the old enemy of conservatives, ideology. The West’s political elite has adopted the ideology of cultural Marxism, commonly known as “political correctness” or “multiculturalism.” Cultural Marxism denounces Western culture, the Christian religion, the white race, and heterosexual males. They represent “oppression,” in this view. No one who dares defy this ideology can be a member of the elite.

The result is that the elites that run Western nation-states are at war with the common culture, the culture in which most of their fellow citizens (subjects?) still believe. Not surprisingly those ordinary people are rejecting the elites. As we saw in Donald Trump’s presidential victory and are witnessing in Europe, the unwashed masses are starting to cast their ballots for anti-Establishment individuals and parties, people who reject cultural Marxism.

In the end, cultural Marxism brings us back around to the first reason for the state’s crisis of legitimacy, its failure to protect people and property from crime. One weapon the cultural Marxist elites use to destroy the Western culture they hate is mass immigration from other cultures. The goal is to swamp the native population and their beliefs in a sea of foreigners. With those foreigners comes crime. When I lived in Austria and Germany in the early 1970s, crime was not a consideration. No woman thought anything of walking alone at night through a park in Vienna. No longer. Now in Malmo, Sweden, the young Islamic male “refugees” talk of going out to “hunt Swedes.”

Such developments call to mind the words of the Israeli military historian Martin van Creveld, who once told me, “Everyone can see it except the people in the capital cities.”

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TC&I – Scatter Me (2017)

The feud between Colin Moulding & Andy Partridge appears permanent. It’s a shame because, collectively, they put out fantastic albums as the songwriters of XTC.

Some comfort comes in the form of TC&I, the new musical entity involving Colin Moulding and former XTC drummer Terry Chambers. Their first outing is a wonderful 4-song EP titled Great Aspirations.

“Scatter Me” is a song that has really grown on me, with beautiful, mournful lyrics over a classic Moulding song structure and arrangement.

Time is passing. We are getting older. The thick black mane of hair Moulding used to have is now gray. “Scatter Me” seems to be a paean to the inevitable.

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The New Yorker: Profile of Peter Sloterdijk

In The New Yorker, Thomas Meaney has a profile of Germany’s gadfly public intellectual Peter Sloterdijk (“A Celebrity Philosopher Explains the Populist Insurgency”).

Of Sloterdijk’s slightly pomo brand of pastiche philosophizing:

This profligacy makes Sloterdijk hard to pin down. He is known not for a single grand thesis but for a shrapnel-burst of impressionistic coinages—“anthropotechnics,” “negative gynecology,” “co-immunism”—that occasionally suggest the lurking presence of some larger system. Yet his prominence as a public intellectual comes from a career-long rebellion against the pieties of liberal democracy, which, now that liberal democracy is in crisis worldwide, seems prophetic. A signature theme of his work is the persistence of ancient urges in supposedly advanced societies. In 2006, he published a book arguing that the contemporary revolt against globalization can be seen as a misguided expression of “noble” sentiments, which, rather than being curbed, should be redirected in ways that left-liberals cannot imagine…

He has decried Merkel’s attitude toward refugees, drawn on right-wing thinkers such as Martin Heidegger and Arnold Gehlen, and even speculated about genetic enhancement of the human race. As a result, some progressives refuse to utter his name in public. In 2016, the head of one centrist party denounced him as a stooge for the AfD, a new far-right party that won thirteen per cent of the vote in last year’s federal elections.

Of how, in contemporary Germany, everything to the right of Angela Merkel is called “fascist”:

In Germany, where the very word “selection” is enough to set off alarms, Sloterdijk’s essay invited antagonism. Was he making a plea for eugenics? Jürgen Habermas, the country’s most revered philosopher, declared that Sloterdijk’s work had “fascist implications,” and encouraged other writers to attack him. Sloterdijk responded by proclaiming the death of the Frankfurt School, to which Habermas belongs, writing that “the days of hyper-moral sons of national-socialist fathers are coming to an end.” German intellectuals mostly sided with Habermas, but Sloterdijk emerged from the scuffle with his status considerably enhanced. He was now a national figure who stood for everything that Habermas did not.

On the AfD and those he refers to as “rage entrepreneurs”:

When I brought up the AfD, Sloterdijk sank his head in his hands, and his expansive manner gave way to something more cautious. For years, the German media have been making connections between Sloterdijk’s thought and new right-wing groups, and he’s become used to rebutting the charge of harboring far-right sympathies. In my conversations with him, his political preoccupations seemed closer to libertarianism than to anything more blood and soil, but he has a habit of saying things that, depending on your view, seem either like dog whistles to the far right or like the bomb-throwing reflexes of a born controversialist. When Sloterdijk said, of Merkel’s refugee policy, that “no society has the moral obligation to self-destruct,” his words called to mind Thilo Sarrazin, a former board member of the Bundesbank, who, in 2010, published an anti-Muslim tract with the title “Germany Abolishes Itself,” which became a huge best-seller and made racial purity a respectable concern of national discussion…

Sloterdijk deplored the rise of the right, but he couldn’t resist seeing something salutary in the spectacle. “It’s been coming for a long time,” he said. “It’s also a sign that Germans are more like the rest of humanity than they like to believe.” He started talking about “rage banks,” his term for the way that disparate grievances can be organized into larger reserves of political capital.

The piece ends with Sloterdijk giving a talk, and getting courteously heckled by the Usual Suspects:

“You sound like the right-wingers when you speak of the refugees,” an elderly doctor stood up and declared. “We cared about refugees after the war and we can do it again.”

Sloterdijk replied impatiently. “The Americans gave us this idea of multiculturalism that suited their society fine, but which, as software, is not compatible with our German hardware of the welfare state,” he said. “There’s this family metaphor spreading everywhere: the idea that all of humanity is our family. That idea helped destroy the Roman Empire. Now we’re in danger of letting that metaphor get out of control all over again. People are not ready to feel the full pressure of coexistence with billions of their contemporaries.” He went on, “In the past, geography created discretionary boundaries between nations and cultures. Distances that were difficult to overcome allowed for mental and political space.” Space and distance, he argued, had allowed for a kind of liberality and generosity that was now under siege—by refugees, by social media, by everything.

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Le Carré Leans Left

In Modern Age, Mark Tooley looks at the career of John le Carré. Towards the end of this piece is this sad example of le Carré’s leftist leanings:

In his latest novel, A Legacy of Spies, le Carré returns to his old recipe of traditional intrigue, even reviving George Smiley and some Smiley associates, full of memories about their KGB nemesis Karla and other good times. At the end, an aged Smiley recalls how there had been a time when his work had been for England, but he was now a European and dreamt of “leading Europe out of her darkness towards a new age of reason.” So evidently Smiley didn’t vote for Brexit, as most other British elderly did.

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